How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic

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How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic. / Esmark, Anders.

I: Politics, Bind 43, Nr. 4, 2023, s. 520-535.

Publikation: Bidrag til tidsskriftTidsskriftartikelForskningfagfællebedømt

Harvard

Esmark, A 2023, 'How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic', Politics, bind 43, nr. 4, s. 520-535. https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957211049965

APA

Esmark, A. (2023). How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic. Politics, 43(4), 520-535. https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957211049965

Vancouver

Esmark A. How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic. Politics. 2023;43(4):520-535. https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957211049965

Author

Esmark, Anders. / How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic. I: Politics. 2023 ; Bind 43, Nr. 4. s. 520-535.

Bibtex

@article{fcfc3e77b01040c2a71f6151e31574b3,
title = "How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism?: Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic",
abstract = "The article focuses on the relationship between technocracy and populism during the first year of the COVID-19 crisis. On one hand, this relationship has been defined by populist denial, displacement of crisis, and rejection of the technocratic consensus on the need for urgent and decisive action in the face of the global pandemic. On the other hand, COVID-19 has also led to convergence between the two sides and populist approximation to technocracy more akin to {\textquoteleft}technopopulist{\textquoteright} compromises and politics. The article shows that this pattern of antagonism and approximation has been shaped by three constitutive features of the state of exception and emergency during the COVID-19 crisis: (1) discursive securitization of the threat, (2) the use of extraordinary tools and measures under the licence of precautionary principle, and (3) institutional concentration of power. While COVID-19 is an extreme case in all three respects, the lessons learned from the pandemic advance our general understanding of technocracy and populism as constitutive features of contemporary politics.",
keywords = "COVID-19, crisis, emergency politics, populism, technocracy",
author = "Anders Esmark",
year = "2023",
doi = "10.1177/02633957211049965",
language = "English",
volume = "43",
pages = "520--535",
journal = "Politics",
issn = "0263-3957",
publisher = "SAGE Publications",
number = "4",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism?

T2 - Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic

AU - Esmark, Anders

PY - 2023

Y1 - 2023

N2 - The article focuses on the relationship between technocracy and populism during the first year of the COVID-19 crisis. On one hand, this relationship has been defined by populist denial, displacement of crisis, and rejection of the technocratic consensus on the need for urgent and decisive action in the face of the global pandemic. On the other hand, COVID-19 has also led to convergence between the two sides and populist approximation to technocracy more akin to ‘technopopulist’ compromises and politics. The article shows that this pattern of antagonism and approximation has been shaped by three constitutive features of the state of exception and emergency during the COVID-19 crisis: (1) discursive securitization of the threat, (2) the use of extraordinary tools and measures under the licence of precautionary principle, and (3) institutional concentration of power. While COVID-19 is an extreme case in all three respects, the lessons learned from the pandemic advance our general understanding of technocracy and populism as constitutive features of contemporary politics.

AB - The article focuses on the relationship between technocracy and populism during the first year of the COVID-19 crisis. On one hand, this relationship has been defined by populist denial, displacement of crisis, and rejection of the technocratic consensus on the need for urgent and decisive action in the face of the global pandemic. On the other hand, COVID-19 has also led to convergence between the two sides and populist approximation to technocracy more akin to ‘technopopulist’ compromises and politics. The article shows that this pattern of antagonism and approximation has been shaped by three constitutive features of the state of exception and emergency during the COVID-19 crisis: (1) discursive securitization of the threat, (2) the use of extraordinary tools and measures under the licence of precautionary principle, and (3) institutional concentration of power. While COVID-19 is an extreme case in all three respects, the lessons learned from the pandemic advance our general understanding of technocracy and populism as constitutive features of contemporary politics.

KW - COVID-19

KW - crisis

KW - emergency politics

KW - populism

KW - technocracy

U2 - 10.1177/02633957211049965

DO - 10.1177/02633957211049965

M3 - Journal article

VL - 43

SP - 520

EP - 535

JO - Politics

JF - Politics

SN - 0263-3957

IS - 4

ER -

ID: 296257089